Το 24μηνο έργο (2023-2024) «SafeNet: Παρακολούθηση και Αναφορές για Ασφαλέστερα Περιβάλλοντα στο Διαδίκτυο» επιδιώκει να εφαρμόσει μια ολοκληρωμένη και διαθεματική προσέγγιση για την πρόληψη και την καταπολέμηση της μισαλλοδοξίας, του ρατσισμού και της ξενοφοβίας στο διαδίκτυο.
Συμμετέχουν 21 εταίροι, πολλοί από τους οποίους είναι μέλη του Διεθνούς Δικτύου κατά του Κυβερνο Μίσους (INACH), και η ίδια η οργάνωση-ομπρέλα. Πολλοί (όπως και το Ελληνικό Παρατηρητήριο των Συμφωνιών του Ελσίνκι) αποτελούν αξιόπιστες πηγές επισήμανσης παράνομου περιεχομένου (trusted flaggers) και έχουν λάβει μέρος στα προγράμματα παρακολούθησης στο πλαίσιο του Κώδικα Δεοντολογίας της ΕΕ για την αντιμετώπιση της παράνομης ρητορικής μίσους στο διαδίκτυο.
Ακολουθούν τα αποτελέσματα της σχετικής δράσης του Ελληνικού Παρατηρητηρίου των Συμφωνιών του Ελσίνκι για την περίοδο Ιανουαρίου 2023 – Μαρτίου 2024.
“At a time when hate against migrants/refugees, LGBTQI+, Roma and others is on the rise and extreme right parties campaign on such hate, social media should be as vigilant as ever, just as in the case of Greece prosecutors are and launch criminal investigations for extreme hate posts.” – Panayote Dimitras, Greek Helsinki Monitor
Global Alliance Against Digital Hate & Extremism Issues A Powerful Call To Action To Tech Giants To Preserve Elections And Democracy, Former Heads Of State Express Concern About Digital Influence On Democracy
NEW YORK — The Global Alliance Against Digital Hate & Extremism (GAADHE) has today released an open letter to the heads of the world’s leading technology companies demanding immediate action to fairly enforce content moderation and disinformation rules without exemptions for political and public figures. This Alliance is supported by a network of more than 70 organizations worldwide that can speak to the consequences to community safety and democracy when political and public figures are allowed to bypass the rules.
The letter, addressed to some of the most powerful tech CEOs in the world, urges them to take definitive steps to curb the amplification of harmful and violative content from political and public figures on their platforms in this year of global elections, even as they reduce election integrity staff.
Most importantly, this includes enforcing existing policies that are currently not equally applied to political leaders and influential figures who are often exempted from rules based on ‘newsworthiness’ or ‘public interest.’ This is especially evident in online political advertising where there is no fact-checking of the material at all, leading to a significant source of disinformation in all languages, but especially non-English languages.
“Social media companies have a profound impact on democracy and human rights globally,” the letter states. “Our collective experience has shown that lax enforcement of content moderation policies leads to the spread of disinformation, hate speech, and incitement to violence, which in turn fuels offline atrocities and undermines democratic institutions.”
“The eyes of the world are on technology companies at this crucial moment for global democracy, as they decide whether to lead with integrity or continue to allow harmful narratives from political figures to shape our societies and threaten communities,” said Wendy Via, co-founder of the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism. “We must demand more than ad hoc responses; we need consistent, fair application of human content moderation that holds all individuals, regardless of their status, to the same standards. The time to act is now—our democracies depend on it.”
Also released today is a letter to tech leaders from the esteemed Club de Madrid, a coalition of more than 100 democratic former heads of state. The letter highlights the alarming trend of countries moving away from democracy and toward authoritarianism, exacerbated by the influence of social media platforms and the manipulation of digital technologies. Recognizing the urgent need for action, Club de Madrid calls on technology companies to take proactive measures to safeguard democracies and electoral integrity, curtailing speech by public figures that incites violence, fuels discrimination and jeopardizes social inclusion, which Club de Madrid calls Shared Societies.
“We bear witness to the erosion of democratic values in the digital era, and are urging urgent action. Hate speech online silences voices, desensitizes societies, and undermines the very fabric of democracy, emboldening authoritarians”, remarked Danilo Türk, President of Club de Madrid and former President of Slovenia.
The GAADHE letter highlights several key concerns:
Given the active threats to democracy, especially in this year of elections (at least 60 countries representing half the world’s population are expected to hold elections in 2024), social media and other online platforms should eliminate exemptions that allow political and public figures to spread harmful content without active human content moderation;
A body of research suggests the incendiary rhetoric of political leaders can make political violence more likely, incites violence and gives it direction, complicates the law enforcement response, and increases fear in vulnerable communities;
Chaos from content posted on social media platforms, including mis- and disinformation, has weakened struggling and strong democracies and has also intensified destabilization in authoritarian states;
There is a critical and urgent need for tech companies to employ human moderators who are trained and sensitive to cultural and linguistic nuances to oversee content; and
Members call for greater transparency and consistency in applying moderation policies to protect elections and uphold civil liberties and human rights.
The coalition offers to partner with tech companies to share expertise in implementing effective and equitable content moderation practices to help ensure a safe, fair, and just online environment that protects democracies, aligned with the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
GAADHE Member comments:
“With what we have witnessed on digital platforms in recent elections in Africa and cognizant of the fact that more than 15 countries are on their way to this critical calendar point, where hate speech and tribalism are digitally exploited as electoral weapons with dramatic and dire consequences on communities, Internet platforms and technology companies should imperatively allocate more resources to content oversight and moderation, with a special programme for electorally motivated ads.” Charlie Martial Ngounou, AfroLeadership
“At a time when hate against migrants/refugees, LGBTQI+, Roma and others is on the rise and extreme right parties campaign on such hate, social media should be as vigilant as ever, just as in the case of Greece prosecutors are and launch criminal investigations for extreme hate posts.” – Panayote Dimitras, Greek Helsinki Monitor
“India is the world’s largest democracy and as Indians we pride ourselves with the values of secularism and freedom enshrined in our constitution. Meta’s consistent failure in India has harmed our social cohesion and our democracy. We demand Meta stop taking ad money from shadow advertisers who run ads filled with ‘othering,’ dehumanizing and misleading claims about Muslims, minorities and critical voices. We can not allow social media companies to undo decades of struggle by civil society to create accountability and transparency in elections.” Ritumbra Manuvie, The London Story
“Aggressive xenophobia, racism, antisemitism, homophobia and other types of hate speech have been spread through social media platforms during electoral campaigns in Poland in the last years on a huge scale. It got many hatemongers elected to high posts and poisoned our political discourse. It is high time for the platforms to stop enabling the peddlers of hate.” Dr. Rafal Pankowski, ‘NEVER AGAIN’ Association
“This year, half the world’s population is set to cast a vote in a world where the digital landscape is actually worse than it was when powerful politicians used social media to incite insurrections in the United States and Brazil. We know from extensive evidence that those social media users most likely to cause offline harm are prominent figures, which is why it is essential that these companies apply all their rules to them as they would do with every other user, underpinned by a commitment to human moderation review. ” Kyle Taylor, Fair Vote UK
Harmful Political Speech and Disinformation Resources:
Rapport Africa Sans Haine sur les discours de haine liés aux élections du 20 décembre 2023 en RDC (Africa Without Hate Report on hate speech related to the December 20, 2023 elections in the DRC) – “Social cohesion and national unity have been seriously damaged by the speeches of candidates and their supporters, especially on social networks. More seriously, no less than 19 deaths were recorded in the electoral context.”
Latinos and a Growing Crisis of Trust– “Right-wing Latino and Hispanic accounts and influencers continued to push disinformation and misinformation in Spanish and English about false claims of Democrat-led voter fraud to steal the election.”
In its final statement to the 55th session of the UN Human Rights Council, Humanists International has highlighted the importance of human rights defenders and the need to protect them.
The statement, delivered by Humanists International’s Advocacy Officer, Leon Langdon, during a general debate on the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, reminded the Council that Human rights defenders (HRDs), “whether it be by supporting victims, securing accountability or disseminating information on human rights abuses,” are at the forefront of ensuring human rights are respected everywhere for all people.
It pointed out that whilst the Vienna Declaration outlines the responsibility of states to respect and promote human rights, “too often we see States themselves undermine these rights.”
Langdon highlighted two cases of concern in this context: Indian human rights defender and anti-superstition campaigner, Narendra Nayak; and Panayote Dimitras, a human rights defender from Greece who has been targeted for his work protecting migrants and combating hate.
Narendra Nayak has campaigned for decades against superstition and so-called “God men,” and advocated for the upholding of secularism as India has seen a sharp rise in Hindu nationalism. As a result of his campaigning, Mr Nayak has been named on hit lists as a target for assassination. These credible threats led to the appointment of a police protection detail in 2016. However, one year ago on March 30th 2023, Mr Nayak had his protection removed, having been told that he must pay for it himself using his modest teacher’s pension. His life is in constant danger without this security. Humanists International has raised the case with the UN special procedures.
Panayote Dimitras has faced smear campaigns, threats of violence, and repeated judicial harassment, with his freedom of movement obstructed, and his assets frozen. Humanists International has raised Dimitras’s case at the UN previously and with the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders – who has spoken out in defense of Dimitras and other people seeking to help migrants in Greece.
The statement called on the Indian government to reinstate Nayak’s protection detail, and for Greece to drop the spurious charges against Dimitras.
UN ITEM / ITEM 8: FOLLOW-UP AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION
Humanists International
55th Session of the UN Human Rights Council (26 February to 5 April 2024)
General Debate on Item 8: Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action
Thank you Mr President,
The Vienna Declaration outlines the need for states to respect and promote human rights. However, too often we see States themselves undermine these rights. Human rights defenders (HRDs), whether it be by supporting victims, securing accountability or disseminating information on human rights abuses, are at the front line of ensuring human rights everywhere for all.
However, this important work is not always well-received. The hostility faced by HRDs is pervasive, threatening, and can be seen across all regions. Government persecution and the criminalization of the acts of HRDs should be called out, and states should work to protect HRDs from extrajudicial abuse and violence.
To this end, we would like to highlight the case of Narendra Nayak[1] in India. Mr Nayak has campaigned for decades against superstition and so-called “God men,” and advocated for the upholding of secularism as India has seen a sharp rise in Hindu nationalism. As a result of his campaigning, Mr Nayak has been named on hit lists as a target for assassination. These credible threats led to the appointment of a police protection detail in 2016. However, one year ago on March 30th 2023, Mr Nayak had his protection removed, having been told that he must pay for it himself using his modest teacher’s pension. His life is in constant danger without this security, and we call on the Indian government to reinstate his protection detail.
The experience of Panayote Dimitras,[2] an HRD in Greece, is another compelling example. For his work defending migrants and combating hate, Dimitras has faced smear campaigns, threats of violence, and repeated judicial harassment, with his freedom of movement undermined and his assets frozen. We call on Greece to heed the concerns of multiple UN Special Rapporteurs and to drop the spurious charges against him.[3]
Το 24μηνο έργο (2023-2024) «SafeNet: Παρακολούθηση και Αναφορές για Ασφαλέστερα Περιβάλλοντα στο Διαδίκτυο» επιδιώκει να εφαρμόσει μια ολοκληρωμένη και διαθεματική προσέγγιση για την πρόληψη και την καταπολέμηση της μισαλλοδοξίας, του ρατσισμού και της ξενοφοβίας στο διαδίκτυο.
Συμμετέχουν 21 εταίροι, πολλοί από τους οποίους είναι μέλη του Διεθνούς Δικτύου κατά του Κυβερνο Μίσους (INACH), και η ίδια η οργάνωση-ομπρέλα. Πολλοί (όπως και το Ελληνικό Παρατηρητήριο των Συμφωνιών του Ελσίνκι) αποτελούν αξιόπιστες πηγές επισήμανσης παράνομου περιεχομένου (trusted flaggers) και έχουν λάβει μέρος στα προγράμματα παρακολούθησης στο πλαίσιο του Κώδικα Δεοντολογίας της ΕΕ για την αντιμετώπιση της παράνομης ρητορικής μίσους στο διαδίκτυο.
Ακολουθούν τα αποτελέσματα της σχετικής δράσης του Ελληνικού Παρατηρητηρίου των Συμφωνιών του Ελσίνκι για την περίοδο Ιανουαρίου 2023 – Ιανουαρίου 2024.
Μετά την καταγγελία μας που προκάλεσε αντιδράσεις ακόμα και στελεχών του Kontra Channel η εκπομπή κόπηκε και θα μεταδίδεται μόνο από το κανάλι του κόμματος στο YouTube:
Οι δύο προηαγούμενες εκπομπές μου μεταδόθηκαν από τον Kontra:
Tο Ευρωπαϊκό Δικαστήριο Δικαιωμάτων του Ανθρώπου (ΕΔΔΑ) δημοσίευσε την πληροφορία πως στις 4 Ιουνίου 2024, παραμονές των Ευρωεκλογών της 9 Ιουνίου 2024, θα κάνει μια σπάνια δημόσια ακρόαση από Τμήμα του για δύο προσφυγές κατά της Ελλάδας για επαναπροωθήσεις 2 αιτούντων άσυλο από τη Σάμο (ενός Αφγανού στις 9 Σεπτεμβρίου 2020 – επί κυβέρνησηςη ΝΔ) και τον Έβρο (ενός Τούρκου στις 4 Μαϊου 2019 επί κυβέρνησης ΣΥΡΙΖΑ) με απάνθρωπη ή εξευτελιστική μεταχείριση και θέτοντας σε κίνδυνο τη ζωή τους χωρίς να τους επιτρέψουν να υποβάλλουν αίτηση ασύλου (και παράνομη κράτηση στον Έβρο). Η δημόσια περίληψη των δύο προσφυγών από το ΕΔΔΑ επισυνάπτεται.
Requêtes nos 15067/21 et 24982/21 G.R.J. contre la Grèce et A.A.J. AND H.J. contre la Grèce introduites respectivement le 3 mars 2021 et le 10 mai 2021 communiquées le 2 décembre 2021
OBJET DE L’AFFAIRE
Les requêtes concernentle refoulement allégué des requérants de la Grèce vers la Turquie, sans procédure préalable. En particulier, les requérants allèguent que les autorités grecques ont procédé à leur renvoi depuis les îles grecques (voir liste en annexe).
Invoquant les articles 2 et 3 de la Convention, les requérants se plaignent que les opérations en cause ont provoqué un danger pour leur vie et leur intégrité physique.
Invoquant l’article 3 de la Convention, ils allèguent qu’ils auraient été victimes de mauvais traitements de la part des autorités grecques.
Sous l’angle de l’article 13 de la Convention, les requérants se plaignent de l’absence d’un recours effectif leur permettant de se plaindre de ces violations alléguées des articles 2 et 3.
Invoquant l’article 3 de la Convention, ils se plaignent que leur renvoi vers la Turquie n’était pas compatible avec l’article 3 de la Convention, pris seul et combiné avec l’article 13, notamment en raison du fait qu’ils n’ont pas pu introduire des demandes d’asile en Grèce et du risque allégué d’être refoulés de la Turquie vers leurs pays d’origine.
QUESTIONS AUX PARTIES
1. Les requérants ont-ils épuisé les voies de recours internes en ce qui concerne leurs griefs relatifs aux articles 2 et 3 de la Convention ?
2. Le droit des requérants à la vie, consacré par l’article 2 de la Convention, a-t-il été violé en l’espèce ? En particulier, les autorités grecques ont-elles agit de manière à mettre en danger la vie des requérants ?
3. Les requérants ont-t-il été soumis, en violation de l’article 3 de la Convention, à des traitements inhumains ou dégradants avant et durant leur renvoi vers la Turquie ?
4. Les requérants avaient-ils à leur disposition, comme l’exige l’article 13 de la Convention, un recours interne effectif au travers duquel ils auraient pu formuler leur grief de méconnaissance des articles 2 et 3 de la Convention ?
5. Le renvoi des requérants vers la Turquie était-il compatible avec l’article 3 de la Convention, pris seul et combiné avec l’article 13, étant donné leurs allégations qu’ils n’ont pas pu introduire des demandes d’asile en Grèce ?
ANNEXE
Liste des requêtes
No
Requête No Introduite le
Nom de l’affaire Représenté par
Requérant Année de naissance Nationalité
Lieu allégué de refoulement Date alléguée de refoulement
Requêtes nos 4034/21 et 15783/21 A.D. et A.E. contre la Grèce introduites respectivement le 23 décembre 2020 et le 19 mars 2021 communiquées le 2 décembre 2021
OBJET DE L’AFFAIRE
Les requêtes concernentle refoulement allégué des requérants de la Grèce vers la Turquie, sans procédure préalable. En particulier, les requérants allèguent que les autorités grecques ont procédé à leur renvoi depuis la région d’Évros (voir liste en annexe).
Invoquant les articles 2 et 3 de la Convention, les requérants se plaignent que les opérations en cause ont provoqué un danger pour leur vie et leur intégrité physique.
Invoquant l’article 3 de la Convention, ils allèguent qu’ils auraient été victimes de mauvais traitements de la part des autorités grecques.
Sous le terrain de l’article 13 de la Convention, les requérants se plaignent de l’absence d’un recours effectif leur permettant de se plaindre de ces violations alléguées des articles 2 et 3.
Invoquant l’article 3 de la Convention, les requérants se plaignent que leur renvoi vers la Turquie n’était pas compatible avec l’article 3 de la Convention, pris seul et combiné avec l’article 13, notamment en raison du fait ils n’ont pas pu introduire des demandes d’asile en Grèce.
Les requérants se plaignent également qu’ils ont été privés de leur liberté en violation de l’article 5 § 1 de la Convention.
Enfin, les requérants se plaignent qu’ils n’ont pas été informés dans une langue qu’ils comprenaient des raisons de leur arrestation, qu’ils n’ont reçu aucune décision de détention, qu’ils n’ont pas eu accès à un avocat et qu’ils n’avaient pas à leur disposition un recours effectif afin de se plaindre de la légalité de leur détention alléguée, conformément aux exigences de l’article 5 §§ 2 et 4 de la Convention.
QUESTIONS AUX PARTIES
1. Les requérants ont-ils épuisé les voies des recours internes en ce qui concerne leurs griefs relatifs aux articles 2 et 3 de la Convention ?
2. Le droit des requérants à la vie, consacré par l’article 2 de la Convention, a-t-il été violé en l’espèce ? En particulier, les autorités grecques ont-elles agit de manière à mettre en danger la vie des requérants ?
3. Les requérants ont-t-il été soumis, en violation de l’article 3 de la Convention, à des traitements inhumains ou dégradants avant et durant leur renvoi vers la Turquie ?
4. Les requérants avaient-ils à leur disposition, comme l’exige l’article 13 de la Convention, un recours interne effectif au travers duquel ils auraient pu formuler leur grief de méconnaissance des articles 2 et 3 de la Convention ?
5. Le renvoi des requérants vers la Turquie était-il compatible avec l’article 3 de la Convention, pris seul et combiné avec l’article 13, étant donné leurs allégations qu’ils n’ont pas pu introduire des demandes d’asile en Grèce ?
6. Les requérants ont-t-ils été privés de leur liberté en violation de l’article 5 § 1 de la Convention ?
7. Les requérants ont-t-ils été informés dans une langue qu’ils comprenaient des raisons de leur arrestation conformément aux exigences de l’article 5 § 2 de la Convention ?
8. Les requérants avaient-ils à leur disposition un recours effectif afin de se plaindre de la légalité de leur détention alléguée, conformément aux exigences de l’article 13 et/ou 5 § 4 de la Convention ?
ANNEXE
No
Requête No Introduite le
Nom de l’affaireReprésenté par
Requérant Année de naissance Nationalité
Lieu allégué de refoulement Date alléguée de refoulement
Στις Πίσω Σελίδες μιλούν: —– Παναγιώτης Δημητράς: «ΔΕΝ ΘΑ ΑΛΛΑΞΕΙ ΤΙΠΟΤΑ ΑΝ ΔΕΝ ΑΛΛΑΞΕΙ Η ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΔΙΚΑΙΟΣΥΝΗ»
Ο Παναγιώτης Δημητράς, επικεφαλής του Ελληνικού Παρατηρητηρίου των Συμφωνιών του Ελσίνκι μιλά για την έκθεση-ράπισμα για τη χώρα στο θέμα των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, για τις επαναπροωθήσεις μεταναστών αλλά και γενικότερα τη κακομεταχείρισή τους.
Ο ίδιος επισημαίνει τα περιστατικά που έχουν καταγραφεί από οργανώσεις αλλά και τα βίντεο που υπάρχουν ενώ αναφέρεται και στη στοχευμένη δίωξη μελών αυτών των οργανώσεων που έφτασαν σε σημείο να κατηγορηθούν για κατασκοπεία και για διακίνηση μεταναστών, ωστόσο τελικά αθωώθηκαν.
Παράλληλα μιλά για κατασκευασμένες κατηγορίες με στόχο τον διασυρμό, τόσο του ίδιου όσο και των ΜΚΟ, τονίζοντας ότι η κυβέρνηση λειτουργεί αυταρχικά ενώ τέλος αναφέρεται και στη στάση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης τονίζοντας πως για να έχουν ουσιαστικό αποτέλεσμα οι συστάσεις του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου οφείλει να αλλάξει κυρίως ο τρόπος λειτουργίας και η φιλοσοφία της ελληνικής Δικαιοσύνης.
– having regard to the Treaty on European Union (TEU), in particular Articles 2, 4(3) and 7(1) thereof,
– having regard to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (‘the Charter’),
– having regard to the European Convention on Human Rights and the protocols thereto,
– having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
– having regard to the international human rights treaties of the United Nations and the Council of Europe,
– having regard to Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2092 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2020 on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget (the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation)(1),
– having regard to Regulation (EU) 2021/1060 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 June 2021 laying down common provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund Plus, the Cohesion Fund, the Just Transition Fund and the European Maritime, Fisheries and Aquaculture Fund and financial rules for those and for the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund, the Internal Security Fund and the Instrument for Financial Support for Border Management and Visa Policy (Common Provisions Regulation)(2),
– having regard to its report following the mission of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs to Athens, Greece, from 6 to 8 March 2023 at the initiative of its Monitoring Group on Democracy, Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights (DRFMG),
– having regard to the country chapters on Greece in the Commission’s annual rule of law reports, in particular those of 2021, 2022 and 2023,
– having regard to the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights concerning Greece,
– having regard to the report of the investigation of alleged contraventions and maladministration in the application of Union law in relation to the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware and its recommendation of 15 June 2023 to the Council and the Commission following the investigation of alleged contraventions and maladministration in the application of Union law in relation to the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware(3),
– having regard to the Commission proposal of 16 September 2022 for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing a common framework for media services in the internal market (European Media Freedom Act) and amending Directive 2010/13/EU (COM(2022)0457),
– having regard to the proposal of 27 April 2022 for a directive on protecting persons who engage in public participation from manifestly unfounded or abusive court proceedings (‘Strategic lawsuits against public participation’) (COM/2022/0177),
– having regard to Directive 2010/13/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 10 March 2010 on the coordination of certain provisions laid down by law, regulation or administrative action in Member States concerning the provision of audiovisual media services (Audiovisual Media Services (AVMS) Directive)(4),
– having regard to Rule 132(2) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas the Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities, as set out in Article 2 TEU, and as reflected in the Charter and embedded in international human rights treaties;
B. whereas a Member State’s compliance with the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU is a condition for the enjoyment of all the rights derived from the application of the Treaties to that Member State, including the right to EU funding; whereas according to Article 7 TEU, the Union can assess the existence of a clear risk of a serious breach of the values referred to in Article 2;
C. whereas, in recent years, the rule of law and media freedom have been deteriorating in Greece; whereas this situation has not been sufficiently addressed, many concerns remain and many issues continue to arise;
D. whereas, in 2022, Greece adopted legislation aiming to enhance the transparency of media ownership, and set up a registry for print media, as well as a registry for electronic press, making registered companies exclusively eligible for state advertising(5);
E. whereas the AVMS Directive establishes that Member States must ensure that national regulatory authorities or bodies exercise their powers impartially and transparently and in accordance with the objectives of the directive, in particular media pluralism, cultural and linguistic diversity, consumer protection, accessibility, non-discrimination, the proper functioning of the internal market and the promotion of fair competition; whereas it further states that Member States must ensure that national regulatory authorities or bodies have adequate financial and human resources and enforcement powers to carry out their functions effectively;
F. whereas the agreement between co-legislators in the European Media Freedom Act is expected to enhance transparency requirements regarding direct and indirect media ownership, the allocation of state funding to media outlets in the form of state advertising, as well as the appointment and dismissal of the management boards of public service media; whereas the Media Freedom Act is expected to establish strong safeguards against undue surveillance of journalists and the editorial teams of media outlets;
G. whereas the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform had identified two cases of impunity for murder, nine active alerts and two other alerts without reply by the end of 2023;
H. whereas Greece has the lowest ranking of any EU country – 107th place – in the 2023 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders;
I. whereas media freedom, pluralism and the independence and safety of journalists are crucial components of the right to freedom of expression and information, and are essential to the democratic functioning of the EU and its Member States and to safeguarding the rule of law, including the fight against corruption;
J. whereas the Commission has concluded that Greece meets the milestones for EU funding, since an anti-corruption strategy has been adopted by its National Transparency Authority (NTA); whereas the NTA does not have a track record for exercising effective and independent oversight; whereas the Commission’s conclusion seems to be based merely on the adoption of a strategy on paper, not on effective measures in practice;
K. whereas according to the 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International, Greece has shown a worrying decline in issues concerning the rule of law among the 27 EU Member States; whereas this is a negative development also reflected in the country’s increased corruption perception index score;
L. whereas in the so-called Petsas List scandal, EUR 20 million of state funds was distributed among media outlets for public health communication campaigns, including non-existent websites and personal blogs; whereas certain media outlets were excluded altogether without any justification and with non-transparent criteria;
M. whereas a preliminary investigation by the Greek General Directorate of Financial and Economic Crime Unit has found that at least 270 funded media outlets were not properly and lawfully registered and that the loss to public funds exceeds EUR 3 million;
N. whereas the nephew and former Secretary-General of the Prime Minister’s Office initiated several lawsuits in 2022 against the newspaper EFSYN, the online investigative platform Reporters United and individual journalists, seeking the removal of an article implicating him in a national spyware scandal involving the company Intellexa, as well as compensation of EUR 550 000; whereas the article, among other things, caused a public outcry, which ultimately led to his resignation from the role of Secretary-General of the Prime Minister’s Office; whereas further details concerning his role in the spyware scandal have since emerged; whereas numerous international freedom of expression and media freedom organisations have condemned the lawsuit as a strategic lawsuit against public participation (SLAPP) aimed at suppressing critical reporting;
O. whereas the recently published 2022 Hellenic Authority for Communication Security and Privacy (ADAE) annual report revealed that thousands of cases of prosecution orders to gain access to communications on national security grounds had not been reported to the ADAE in time by the Greek National Intelligence Service (EYP) and the Special Violent Crime (Counter Terrorism) Division of the Police;
P. whereas an exorbitant fine of EUR 435 000 was imposed on the weekly newspaper Documento News by the tax authorities in December 2023; whereas the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom condemned this measure and expressed its dismay on 7 December 2023;
Q. whereas Panayote Dimitras, a human rights activist and founder and head of the Greek Helsinki Monitor (GHM), is being prosecuted for illegal trafficking even though it appears that he was acting lawfully to provide humanitarian assistance to asylum seekers; whereas in December 2022, he was handed down a fine and prohibited from being involved with the GHM; whereas the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights voiced concerns about the case; whereas the Anti-Money Laundering Authority ordered the freezing of all of Dimitras’s assets in May 2023; whereas Dimitras stated on 31 May 2023 that he had only received EU funding designated for combating hate speech and that the funds were only used for that purpose; whereas the recent acquittal of 16 aid workers and volunteers demonstrates that criminal charges against those providing humanitarian assistance to asylum seekers have no legal basis;
R. whereas the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation is of the utmost importance for protecting the EU budget;
S. whereas the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) launched an investigation on 28 November 2022 into the abuse of EUR 700 million in subsidies for a rail safety system; whereas 23 people have since been arrested in connection with the scandal, except for (former) government ministers who are shielded from prosecution through a decision of the Greek Parliament, for which the Greek Constitution was invoked;
T. whereas the Greek Government, in addition to Greek police representatives, refused to meet with Parliament’s DRFMG delegation during its official mission; whereas the Greek Prime Minister met with a European People’s Party local German delegation the following day; whereas this refusal to meet with any minister or other high-level government representatives is unprecedented during fact-finding missions since the establishment of the DRFMG in 2018;
U. whereas Greece has adopted several laws in the framework of equality, some of which contain major loopholes; whereas the Greek law that bans so-called ‘conversion practices’ on minors and other vulnerable persons does not cover cases where ‘conversion practices’ are performed by priests or other religious and/or spiritual leaders, or specialists without official qualifications, and those performed on adults who have given their consent; whereas those who carry out such practices can only be held liable if they have accepted money to perform them; whereas there was major upheaval in the LGBTIQ+ community in the summer of 2023 following the death of a queer artist from Cuba, Anna Hernández, found stabbed to death in her home and initial police reports misgendering her;
V. whereas in the European Institute for Gender Equality’s 2023 gender equality index, Greece scored 58 points out of 100 and ranked only 24th in the EU; whereas according to the 2023 evaluation by the Group of Experts on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence monitoring the implementation of the Istanbul Convention, Greece does not currently have any rape crisis centres and/or sexual violence referral centres;
1. Expresses severe concerns about very serious threats to democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights in Greece; stresses that checks and balances are essential for a robust democracy and notes with concern that these have come under heavy pressure;
2. Is deeply concerned by the failure of law enforcement and the judicial authorities in Greece to make progress in the investigation into the murder of the Greek journalist George Karaivaz on 9 April 2021; notes that two suspects were arrested in April 2023, but otherwise there has not been any discernible activity in the police investigation; strongly urges the authorities to take all the necessary steps towards conducting a thorough and effective investigation, and to bring those involved in the murder, at any level, to justice; urges the authorities to request assistance from Europol;
3. Is greatly alarmed that, aside from this murder, many journalists face physical threats, verbal attacks, including from high-ranking politicians and ministers, the violation of their privacy with spyware, and SLAPPs; underlines that this creates a chilling effect for them; calls for these SLAPPs, in particular, to be dropped immediately; insists that the government has the obligation to take all necessary steps to bring the perpetrators of crimes against individuals, journalists and other media actors to justice, as well as to create a safe environment for all journalists;
4. Expresses deep concern about the many cases of excessive use of force by police services against minority groups and peaceful protesters in general; calls on the authorities to fully and independently investigate all such instances; is deeply concerned by the fact that three young Roma have been killed in recent years in Greece through alleged police violence, and by the lack of a thorough investigation thereof; notes with concern that in some cases the police cleaned up the crime scene before a forensic examination took place; recalls that the competent court acquitted four police officers of involvement in the death of LGBTIQ+ activist Zak Kostopoulos in 2022, despite footage showing police using unnecessary force;
5. Calls on the government to ensure the full independence of its national regulatory authority for the audiovisual sector as required under the AVMS Directive;
6. Stresses that media pluralism is under threat, as media ownership in the country is mainly distributed among a small number of oligarchs, resulting in dramatic under-reporting on certain topics, such as concerns over the rail safety system prior to the Tempi train crash; notes with concern the lack of transparency in the distribution of state subsidies to media outlets; notes the Commission’s conclusion that media regulators lack resources; questions the objectivity and independence of the Greek National Council for Radio and Television and is concerned about the sudden replacement of the oversight board in September 2023; calls on the Commission to monitor the implementation of new media law No 5005/2022 of 21 December 2022, in particular as regards media ownership transparency;
7. Calls, with regard to the illicit use of surveillance technology such as Predator spyware, for:
(a)
institutional and legal safeguards, including effective ex ante and ex post scrutiny, as well as independent oversight mechanisms, to be urgently restored and strengthened;
(b)
all export licences that are not fully in line with the Dual-Use Regulation(6) to be urgently repealed and for the allegations of illegal exports, among others to Sudan, to be investigated;
(c)
guarantees that the authorities can investigate all allegations of the use of spyware freely and in an unhindered manner;
(d)
the reversal of the 2019 legislative amendment that placed the EYP under the direct control of the Prime Minister;
(e)
guarantees of the independence of the NTA leadership;
(f)
the urgent launch of a police investigation following the alleged abuse of spyware and for the seizure of physical evidence of proxies, broker companies and spyware vendors linked to spyware infections;
(g)
Europol to be immediately invited to join the investigations; condemns the illegitimate instrumentalisation of the term ‘national security threat’ as a justification for the unacceptable wiretapping and surveillance of political opponents, including current Members of the European Parliament Georgios Kyrtsos and former Member Nikos Androulakis; expresses serious concern about the influence of the Prime Minister over the EYP, which is under the direct competence and supervision of his office;
8. Notes with great concern that independent authorities such as the ADAE and the Greek Data Protection Authority (DPA) have come under increasing pressure owing to their work concerning the EYP’s illegitimate wiretapping; notes, further, that the Greek Parliament suddenly replaced the ADAE’s board members in 2023 on the eve of the ADAE’s decision to impose a fine on the EYP, and just before the ADAE and the DPA called for a crucial step to be taken in the investigation into the spyware scandal;
9. Calls on the Greek Government to urgently withdraw amendment 826/145 to Law No 2472/1997, which abolished the ability of the ADAE to notify citizens of the confidentiality of communications being lifted, and to restore the full independence of the judiciary and all relevant oversight bodies, such as the Ombudsman and the DPA, in order to ensure that all oversight bodies enjoy full cooperation and access to information and are able to provide complete information to all victims;
10. Expresses concern about the underfunding, understaffing, curtailing of powers, opaque appointment procedures, and harassment and intimidation of officials of independent public bodies such as the Ombudsman, whose mandate and the duration thereof must be in line with the Paris Principles and the European standards on equality bodies, the DPA and the ADAE; notes, further, that the National Transparency Agency, which should play a vital role in scrutinising the public authorities, does not seem to be effective and concerns have been raised about its independence; calls on the Greek Government to ensure the independence and operational autonomy of independent oversight bodies, in accordance with the Greek Constitution and the applicable national and EU legal requirements, and to improve its compliance with their recommendations; points out that the systematic difficulties and delays in appointing the management of independent oversight bodies undermine their effectiveness and authority; is very alarmed by the sudden replacement of the board members of the ADAE and the oversight body for the public broadcaster in September 2023, just as the ADAE and the DPA had called for a crucial step to be taken in the spyware investigation;
11. Is deeply concerned that the transfer of the spyware investigation to another prosecutor, following the previous prosecutors’ request to the ADAE to check whether the 92 people targeted by Predator spyware (including national members of parliament and MEPs, journalists and government officials) had also been subject to surveillance by the EYP, will lead to the investigation de facto ending; reiterates its call for Europol to be involved in the investigation;
12. Strongly condemns the intimidation and harassment used against officials who are scrutinising the government, such as former anti-corruption prosecutor Eleni Touloupaki and Christos Rammos, head of the ADAE; expresses its dismay at the Supreme Court prosecutor’s intervention and alleged attempt to stop an ADAE request for a telecommunications company to check surveillance orders in 2022;
13. Stresses with severe concern that corruption is eroding public services and goods; underlines that the length of judicial proceedings, compounded by doubts over the integrity of parts of the police force, and conflicts of interest at the highest level, including alleged police infiltration by organised crime groups, will lead to a culture of impunity where corruption can thrive; stresses that the authorities have yet to establish a solid track record in the investigation and prosecution of high-level corruption cases that lead to final convictions with a deterrent effect; calls on the government and the authorities to remedy these issues as a matter of priority;
14. Calls on the Greek Government to adopt immediate measures and the necessary reforms to improve the capacity and transparency of the police to investigate cases of organised crime, including to look into strong indications of links between organised crime and the police throughout its ranks;
15. Calls on the government to fully implement all judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, as well as to comply with interim measures imposed by the Court;
16. Notes that, to date, no measures have been taken with regard to the participation of the judiciary in the appointment procedure for the highest judicial offices, namely judges, to the posts of President and Vice-President of the Council of State, the Supreme Court and the Court of Audit;
17. Expresses its deep regret and sorrow at the tragic loss of life in the shipwreck of 14 June 2023, when a fishing boat sank in the Ionian Sea off the coast of Pylos, Messenia, Greece, with over 600 persons on board presumed dead; is deeply concerned by the lack of progress made in the judicial investigation; welcomes the investigations by the European Ombudsman and the Greek Ombudsman into the catastrophe; expresses severe concern about the treatment of migrants at the external borders and domestically, following systematic pushbacks and violence against non-EU nationals, their arbitrary detention and the theft of their belongings; is further severely concerned about the conditions in reception centres, especially in terms of protecting individuals against crimes being committed and access to basic sanitation; considers that the Fundamental Rights Officer at the Ministry of Migration and Asylum needs a broader and independent mandate, so as to be able also to effectively investigate pushbacks; calls on the Commission to assess the compliance with EU law of border surveillance systems using behavioural analytics, and of the EU funding thereof; condemns the Commission’s dramatic failure to enforce EU laws with regard to reception conditions, pushbacks and human rights, and believes that infringement proceedings are more appropriate than the Commissioner’s praise;
18. Is concerned by the attacks against civil society and, in particular, smear campaigns and judicial harassment by Greek authorities targeting human rights activists; is alarmed by the recent trials against humanitarian workers and people who provide humanitarian assistance to migrants and refugees; calls on the Greek authorities to drop all charges immediately and ensure that humanitarian workers and volunteers can provide assistance safely and freely;
19. Believes it to be crucial that the judicial investigation into the Tempi train disaster be conducted swiftly and comprehensively, covering all actors involved, including responsible government officials; is not satisfied with the scrutiny carried out by the competent committee of the Greek Parliament, as it appears to lack political impartiality and to be reluctant to call on key expert witnesses to testify; is deeply concerned by the Greek Parliament’s refusal to conduct an investigation as requested by the EPPO regarding two former ministers for transport(7);
20. Is concerned about the restrictive regulatory framework for registering civil society organisations, in particular as regards organisations active in migration and social inclusion; urges the government to immediately lift the restrictions imposed on non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and journalists reporting on migration with immediate effect and to review the legislative framework as a matter of priority; calls for it to support and enhance all initiatives contributing to more transparency in these matters, such as the Human Rights Commission’s pushback-reporting mechanism;
21. Notes that Greece has put in place a legal framework regarding equal treatment and positive steps have been taken in that direction, such as the creation of the new Human Rights Commission; is concerned, however, about the weak legal framework and discrimination against LGBTIQ+ people, Roma and other minorities; calls on the government and all other political forces to show leadership and promote societal change in this regard, especially as regards domestic violence, police violence and marriage equality, which has been under discussion for several years;
22. Acknowledges the existence of helplines and specialised police domestic violence response services, but also urges the government to set up comprehensive rape crisis centres and to make sure that victims of sexual violence can have immediate access to medical care, trauma support, forensic examinations and psychological support; calls on the government to make femicide a stand-alone crime;
23. Welcomes the ban on non-consensual surgeries and calls for the proper training of medical professionals to properly welcome and provide care for intersex persons;
24. Welcomes the equal marriage bill tabled in the Greek Parliament and calls for its swift adoption;
25. Calls on the government to improve the legislative process by introducing real and meaningful consultation and to abolish the controversial practice of omnibus legislation;
26. Deplores the fact that the Greek Government and police authorities refused to meet with representatives of the European Parliament during its official mission in April 2022 and calls for the current Greek Government to establish a constructive dialogue with the European Parliament;
27. Calls on the Commission to make full use of the tools available to it to address the breaches of the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU in Greece; calls, in particular, for an assessment of compliance with the Charter in the implementation of the relevant EU funds as required by the Common Provisions Regulation; calls for a Commission assessment under the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation of the consequences of the failure to implement relevant judgments by the European courts; recalls that, should financial measures be adopted, the Commission must ensure that the final recipients or beneficiaries of EU funds are not deprived of these funds, as set out in Article 5(4) and (5) of the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation, and must find ways to ensure that EU funds reach citizens, businesses, regional and local authorities, NGOs and any other relevant stakeholders if the government does not cooperate concerning deficiencies in the rule of law, especially given the impacts of the economic crisis, the high cost of living and the increase in poverty in the country;
28. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the United Nations.
(1)OJ L 433 I, 22.12.2020, p. 1.(2)OJ L 231, 30.6.2021, p. 159.(3)OJ C, C/2024/494, 23.01.2024, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2024/494/oj.(4)OJ L 95, 15.4.2010, p. 1.(5)Law No 5005/2022 of 21 December 2022 on ‘Strengthening of the publicity and transparency of print and electronic media – Establishment of electronic registries of print and electronic media and other provisions under the competence of the Secretariat General for Communication and Media’.(6)Regulation (EU) 2021/821 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 May 2021 setting up a Union regime for the control of exports, brokering, technical assistance, transit and transfer of dual-use items (OJ L 206, 11.6.2021, p. 1).(7)In office from 5 November 2016 until 9 July 2019 and from 9 July 2019 until 1 March 2023.
(…) Unfortunately, the weakness of the language included in the recitals on this subject, including through the use of the undefined term “objective information or advice”, does little to dissuade my concerns in this regard. This is particularly so when cases in which defenders in the EU have already been criminalised for sharing information with migrants are borne in mind.17
RACIST CRIMES WATCH - Παρατηρητηριο Ρατσιστικων Εγκληματων 